My M.A. Thesis.
Photos at Flickr and the photo book at Blurb
Belfast, Northern Ireland, 2009
emulation-progress-history-society
Christopher Patrick Fitzsimons
Ireland is a little country which raises all the great questions[1]
This project consists of a series of twenty-six images depicting children taking part in the twelfth of July cultural manifestations in Belfast, Northern Ireland in 2009. All of the images were taken on the twelfth and thirteenth of July, 2009, mostly in Shaftesbury Square, as well as on the Dublin Road, Great Victoria Street and Bedford Street, in the centre of the city[2]. The images intend to explore the youngest generation of Northern Irish people in terms of the difficulties they face in navigating the “fraught political terrain”[3] of Northern Ireland, in integrating themselves into a post-conflict society, as well as in redefining and identifying themselves within the reordered cultural, political and social territory in which they and their entire generation find themselves. The images focus on one side of the political spectrum in Northern Ireland; the unionist, protestant community and more specifically on those children whose parents have brought them into the traditions of the Orange Order at an early age. The objectives of this project are to assess the young in this society and to consider what kind of future they will create from the legacy of conflict. Through studying images of a specific section of the community I intend to question the progress which Northern Ireland, as whole, has made and to raise the issue of how the future will look in a society with such a troubled past. The central theme of this body of work is the replication and emulation of the behaviours which we expose our young to and the consequences which occur as a result of this. My aim is not to assess the moral validity of childhood participation in the Orange Order nor to criticise or judge those parents who introduce their children to the Order but rather to reflect on recent political and social progress in the context of Northern Irish history and on the difficulties faced by this generation in constructing the future of this post-conflict society.
The Orange Order has been the subject of various photographic projects in the past and has been represented in many different ways. Perhaps the most relevant to my work is The Orange Order by Professor Paul Seawright. Seawright’s work considers the Order as if through a magnifying glass, using close up, cropped images to create a sense of both claustrophobia and intimacy. Lynne Connolly, in reviewing the work in Source Magazine said the following:
These subjects and rites are not accustomed to being viewed in this manner...The usual viewpoint being extremes of distance or belonging.[4]
The viewpoint described is closely related to that which I have used in my work. As an outsider to the Order I wanted to create a social documentary using portraits of the youngest members of Northern Irish society in order to consider both the future of the organisation and by extension the future of the country itself. I neither belong to the Order, nor did I photograph with the distance that press photographers routinely use to capture parades. Instead I wanted to approximate myself to the people marching and to, in some small way, uncover more about them. Mingling with the crowds of revellers and supporters I felt intense scrutiny from those around me whilst capturing the images. In particular once people saw how close I was getting to the paraders, the large photographic lens I used and the fact that I was photographing children I was certainly aware of a sense of tension and distrust directed at me. I believe that this was accentuated as I was alone and did not appear to know any of the subjects I photographed nor any members of the crowds who lined the streets. Surprisingly I found that a simple smile or nod directed at those who were suspiciously observing my activities as well as towards the subjects of the images tended to immediately diffuse any animosity and was normally reciprocated with a trusting smile. I believe that it was important, as a photographer, to attempt to integrate into this community and to dissipate any potential antipathy in this way. Interestingly another photographer who was using a similar camera to mine, and taking similar photographs from the same places as I was attracted much less attention than I did. I got the overwhelming feeling that she was accepted to be a tourist whereas my motives, appearance and objectives seemed to be more carefully scrutinised for whatever the reason may be. As is often the case in Northern Irish society, people looked at me with the characteristic "us, them or foreign" stare, and it seemed that, due to my proximity to those parading, It was assumed that I was "one of them" and perhaps a press photographer as opposed to having any sort of ulterior motive. It is interesting and somewhat commendable that the Orange Order has recently made an attempt to welcome both Catholics and foreign tourists to parades with comments such as "we want you to come, bring your families and see that there is nothing there to threaten you"[5] however I must admit that, as a Catholic, although absolutely nothing negative occurred whilst I photographed and not being in any way perturbed by the British or Unionist political sentiments, the atmosphere was not welcoming to me, as an outsider.
Seawright’s project[6] was exhibited at the Gallery of Photography in Dublin in 1992 and looked primarily at symbols and representations of the Orange Order. Although influential in shaping my approach to this work, my project differs from his in two major ways. Firstly I have focused on the people as opposed to the regalia and in particular on the young. Secondly, almost twenty years have passed since Seawright’s work and in this time politics in Northern Ireland has gone through enormous changes. I believe that my representation of the Order is ambiguous, as is the case in Seawright’s body of work was. In this way, it is the responsibility of the viewer to identify the objectives driving the work.
John Duncan’s project, Bonfires[7] exhibited in the Belfast Exposed Gallery in 2008 has also informed my practise. Duncan, like Seawright chose to explore a powerful representation of the conflict in Northern Ireland. The imagery of bonfires, a symbol previously associated with rioting and violence, takes on a new meaning as we are encouraged to consider them in a different context. The unique physical appearance of the structures is presented to the viewer in a straightforward manner, causing us to question and reconsider the sentiments the images may cause us to feel;
...the typological aspects of the work are just one of its many rich undercurrents, never diminishing the primary impact of the photographs or the importance of the social and political reality that they confront head on.[8]
Michelle Sank is another contemporary photographer whose work has profoundly influenced the development of this project, in particular her body of work titled Bye-Bye Baby, which documents the process of transformation from childhood to adulthood through portraits of the young emulating their elders. Sank has said the following of her photographic work:
"I consider my photographs to be sociological landscapes where there is an intertwining of figure and environment that is significant in a visual, sociological and psychological sense."[9]
The awkward, uncomfortable way in which Sank’s subjects pose for her photos reveal their deep sense of unease with their transitional status. Undertones of adult sexuality mingle with the evident childish insecurity displayed by the subjects to create powerful portraits, testifying to the difficulties in establishing ones identity at this point in life[10]. This project has had a significant impact on my own work and my desire to capture that sentiment in the young, in a highly politically charged scenario, in contemporary Belfast. I was curious to explore how comfortable young children would feel donning Orange regalia and marching in front of large crowds of supporters and was surprised to find that most of them did seem self-conscious and nervous and appeared to constantly look to the spectators for approval and support. Sank’s second body of work which has been influential was Teenagers Belfast, commissioned by Belfast Exposed gallery. In this work Sank has said that she attempted to locate them [the teenagers] within environments that bear no reference to the political struggles or past emblems of this… to portray these young people as normal teenagers.[11] This body of work was most important in my project as it represented precisely what I did not want to portray. I did not want to stage portraits and I did not want to portray the young people in my images as normal teenagers. Instead, I deliberately wanted to capture them directly involved in an activity which has strong links to conflict, politics and the Troubles in Northern Ireland. In doing so, with clearly establishing the context as 2009 in post-Troubles Belfast, I ask the viewer to reflect on how these extremely young participants in an extremely old tradition will grow up; how will the traditions, rituals and beliefs which have been introduced to them by their elders, at this point in their life and this point in Northern Irish history, equip them for building on the progress which has been made in the post-conflict society and for leading people forward, away from conflict and towards lasting peace. This is not to say that I am suggesting that cultural and historical rituals such as Orange Order parades be forgotten or erased, on the contrary, it is most important that the histories and cultures of both communities in Northern Ireland are respected, remembered and dealt with, by the new generation. I believe that it is in the erasure of the collective memory of Northern Irish people with regard to the Troubles that the danger lies. Repressing and obliterating history and fact in favour of materialism and fragile progress is not the answer for Northern Ireland.
A final important influence on my work and one of the main sources which gave me the initial desire to undertake this project was the Belfast Exposed archives, and in particular an image of a child in a loyalist flute band[12]. This image encouraged me to explore the involvement of children in organisations with political and potentially sectarian overtones as I, before beginning the project, had a similar reaction to this photograph as Ruth Dudley Edwards had upon watching her first twelfth of July parade:
I felt uneasy, though, at the sight of small children wearing collarettes or band uniforms which, at the time, I took to indicate that they were being brainwashed in sectarian practices.[13]
The Orange Order has been central to the Protestant, Unionist and Loyalist community in Ireland for over two centuries. As a minority in Ireland the Protestant people, in an attempt to defend and uphold their distinct religion, culture, history and way of life formed the Orange Order. An insight into the raison d’être of the Order can be gained from the Qualifications of an Orangeman which all new members of the Order must read as part of their initiation ceremony:
[an Orangeman] should cultivate truth and justice, brotherly kindness and charity, devotion and piety, concord and union and obedience to the laws; his deportment should be gentle and compassionate, kind and courteous; he should seek the society of the virtuous and avoid that of the evil...he should love, uphold and defend the Protestant religion and sincerely desire and endeavour to uphold its doctrines and precepts; he should strenuously oppose the fatal errors and doctrines of the Church of Rome and scrupulously avoid countenancing any act or ceremony of Popish worship...and, by all lawful means, resist the ascendancy of that Church, ever abstaining from all uncharitable words, actions or sentiments towards his Roman Catholic Brethren... his conduct should be guided by wisdom and prudence...the welfare of man...and the good of his country...should be the motive of his actions[14]
From this text we can draw two important conclusions. Firstly, by its self definition, the Orange Order is a sectarian organisation. It upholds and promotes one religious and cultural group over another; love ...the Protestant religion... and strenuously oppose the... Church of Rome. Secondly and perhaps most importantly, it stresses that this objective must be pursued with the utmost respect for Roman Catholics and for the law. Therefore all Orangemen are aware, from the point that they join the Order, of the fact that the Orange Order has historically rejected and abhorred violence and discriminatory behaviour and does not encourage acts of sectarian hatred. According to Ruth Dudley Edwards, those who dismiss the Order as sectarian should take note of these fundamental beliefs which form the cornerstone of Orangeism and several other closely related Orders:
How many of those who dismiss the Orange Order and its sister institutions as sectarian, because they are exclusively Protestant, recognize that their shared guiding principle is a commitment to upholding civil and religious liberties.[15]
Michael, an Orangeman and self professed “thug” before joining the order reflects on how the religious aspects of Orangeism changed his mentality and his attitude towards violence:
I abandoned the physical force idea and started to think more constructively... [The Order] was a restraint on people. This is the Bible. This is your faith. It reminds you that you can’t act in a manner that is inconsistent with the basic principles. You actually think about that.[16]
Dr Neil Jarman of the Institute for Conflict Research believes that the unifying effect which the Order has had on the Protestant community in Ireland is a key factor in its longevity, influence and importance:
You could say it’s probably outlived all other institutions in the Protestant community in Ireland... There’s a continuity there that no other organisation has provided over that period of time... it provides a sense of community and it’s one of those organisations that gives a degree of surety about what you are[17]
It is this very surety, the reassurance of belonging to a community, a tradition and a people that has defined the Orange Order in Ireland. And it is most certainly the main reason for its longevity. This in turn, lends itself to a certain explanation for the involvement of the children of Orangemen in the Order, from a very early age. The Order has always been an important centre point of Protestant communities and families and perhaps one of the most significant comments made on the organisation is that it has always welcomed and united all backgrounds from within the Protestant community. Dr Neil Jarman explains this:
I think the Order is probably the one organisation in Northern Ireland that’s held the Unionist/Protestant community together to an extent. It remained open and accessible to all shades of political opinion within that community. You had members of the UDA and UVF within the organisation along with key political figures including members of Parliament and senior party figures. There were also various shades of religious opinion.[18]
Unfortunately it may be precisely this great diversity within its ranks which has led to the schisms within the Order as to its political stance as well as the negative, dangerous and bigoted reputation that the order has gained within Catholic/Nationalist communities. Links with paramilitary and terrorist groups have plagued the Orange Order throughout the Troubles, and have destroyed, to a certain extent, its claims that it is a peaceful, cultural organisation as opposed to a politicised, militarised presence within the social landscape. A senior figure in the Order, interviewed by the BBC said:
Images of protesters blocking traffic while brandishing Orange regalia with loyalist paramilitary figures in the background are causing a drift away from the Order [19]
A “rank-and-file” Orangeman interviewed by Mervyn Jess had the following to say on the same topic:
As the years passed, the Orange Institution became more and more the focus of attention. Yes, there were times that focus was to some degree justified. Some rogue elements within the institution let it down.[20]
It is these rogue elements within the Orange Order that my project is preoccupied with. As an outsider to the Orange Order I cannot comment on its true objectives or its political allegiances and/or affiliations, nor is it my place or objective as a photographer to make judgments on whether or not children should be part of the Order whether it be a cultural, political, religious or sectarian organisation or a combination of all of these elements. Instead this project questions how the continuation of the activities of the Orange Order along with those of all other formerly contentious organisations and groups from both sides of the political divide will continue to function in the new and unfamiliar terrain that is the contemporary Northern Irish society.
Dr Jonathan Mattison, the Convenor of the Orange Order’s Education Committee has stated that:
The Orange Order, in literal terms, set itself up as a defensive organisation to defend Irish Protestantism and hearth and home[21]
The images which make up this project show children behaving as adults. These young people do as their elders do, they emulate and replicate their actions and as such ensure the continuation of old traditions, traits, habits and mentalities. As such they form part of a collective consciousness and a community. They contribute towards the jointly exhaustive cultural dichotomy which has always existed in Ireland- the notorious problem of the “double minority”: of Catholics in the North, of Ulster Protestants in all Ireland.[22] The collective and anonymous nature of the us versus them syndrome is one of the most dangerous and volatile aspects of Northern Irish society and any organisation which propagates, intensifies or otherwise encourages this mentality is therefore detrimental to political stability and a peaceful society in a post-conflict state.
Throughout the years of the Troubles Belfast became a cipher for intractable conflict, for grimy industrial poverty, for gaudily-expressed hatreds. In the ideologically-encrusted images of TV and in movies, in art and photojournalism, dirty-faced children crowded noisily around glowering peacelines, while bloodied rioters threw petrol bombs at armoured cars and marchers swaggered triumphantly past.[23]
It is these gaudily-expressed hatreds along with the perceived triumphant swagger of some marchers which have drawn international attention to the Northern Irish political scene and have largely tainted the image of the Orange Order, other similar organisations and the Northern Irish psyche in general. Freud’s definition of the “narcissism of small differences” is key to understanding the vicious bigotry from both sides of the religious divide which tore the country apart for many years. Nevertheless it is undeniable that some progress has been made by both sides of the political divide to overcome these differences. The Orange Order has taken the step of rebranding the 12th of July celebrations as Orangefest with the aim of bringing together both communities as well as attracting tourists so that everyone can come together to “enjoy the theatre of it all without buying into the politics"[24]. Despite this effort to rebrand and modernise the Order and to perhaps render its parades more palatable to its detractors, it is undeniable that the twelfth of July and the Order in some people's minds…will forever be associated with sectarian tensions[25]" Indeed, a journalist for the Independent, interviewing Mr Nelson, the Grand Secretary of the Grand Lodge of the Orange Order received the following reply regarding Orangefest and its place in a peaceful, stable future for Northern Ireland:
The bigger question now is whether he has faith in the peace? Not much is the answer. "All this talk about people coming together, it's only a veneer," says Mr Nelson with a bitter smile. "It's not happening in any real way beneath the surface.[26]
Northern Irish society as a whole at present seems to insist, both to itself and to the International community, on the absolute closure and finality of the Troubles, the former religious and sectarian conflict and the community divisions which have plagued its history. Terrorism and overt violence have been replaced by unspoken tensions, muted and hidden away in order to attract investment and tourism. The emphasis has now firmly been placed on “culture” as opposed to politics and along with the rebranding and promotion of the twelfth of July, the Ulster Scots language as well as the Irish language have been promoted and supported. Unfortunately the large-scale marketing exercise currently occurring in Northern Ireland is decidedly biased and excludes all but positive press on the peace process and the commercial growth and development. This raises question about the legacy of conflict, how future generations will cope with their history and ultimately how the society will truly progress and develop in the future. An online initiative was recently launched to act as an archive in collecting stories of those directly affected by the conflict with the objective of making young Northern Irish people more aware of the past:
Young people today don't realise what real conflict is. Here they can read about real stories about the violence of the past and how people's lives changed as a result.[27]
The danger for the future of Northern Irish society lies in the culture of blame and the tit for tat retaliation which characterised the Troubles and in the human desire to seek solace in that which is similar, comforting and familiar; the need to belong, as such.
...all could cite examples of how one side had trampled over the rights of the other in the preceding decades[28]
I felt that deep, primitive, tribal, comforting belonging...I remember how easy it was to subside into that collective, yet compromised, reassurance.[29]
Attacks on Orange Order halls continue across Northern Ireland[30] proving that regardless of the steps taken to develop the parades into an inclusive and enjoyable experience for all, some still feel animosity and hatred towards the Order and its actions. In spite of this, the country is now presenting itself to the world as a positive example of conflict resolution and even a framework for a successful post-conflict society, to be used in other countries. Bland material progress along with capitalistic developments and commercial achievements are the focus in Northern Irish society in 2009. It has been argued that the Troubles, the deeply rooted conflicts and still segregated communities have been ignored, swept aside and largely forgotten in an attempt to transform Northern Ireland into an international success story. It is still difficult to judge whether the attitude of indifference to recent history will truly be conducive to progressive politics, social integration as well as economic success in Northern Ireland. One of the most interesting developments in the newly “peaceful” society has been the sharp increase in racism. Intolerance and discrimination based on racial factors as opposed to religious or political affiliations has become prevalent in Northern Irish society in recent times. The apparent dissolution and diffusion of the traditional distrust and antipathy between the Catholic and Protestant communities has created the illusion of political and social harmony which in turn has attracted immigration to Northern Ireland.
When the police in Northern Ireland started recording racially motivated crime in 1996 there were just 41 incidents. Last year there were nearly 1,000. …there is the suggestion that a legacy of Northern Ireland's sectarian conflict is a "culture of intolerance" that leads to violence against people not just of a different religion but also those of a different ethnic background. Neil Jarman from the Institute for Conflict Research in Belfast has conducted several studies of racism in Northern Ireland. He said that alongside what might be called "standard racism" there is also the legacy of sectarianism which has created a sub-culture where "anyone slightly different becomes a target for intimidation."[31]
Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of these events is the fact that a twenty-one year old male has been convicted in connection with racist attacks in Belfast. The involvement of the young in our society in racially motivated acts of violence and intimidation does indeed suggest that there is a legacy of intolerance stemming from the sectarian conflict. The new generation needs to be educated in two ways in order to produce a peaceful society. They must be aware of their history and particularly of the Troubles and they must be taught respect, tolerance and acceptance of all peoples and communities who are different from their own, whether for political, cultural or racial reasons.
I think this week's events and the stirrings of dissident activity over the last several months are evidence that N.I. desperately needs more integrated, non-denominational schools. There needs to be an entirely new generation, brought up against violence into an accepting environment, to really eliminate these kinds of vicious and vengeful ideals and activities.[32]
The intolerance which permeates Northern Irish society is most certainly a form of frustration with the unresolved elements of conflict and the trauma which has occurred as a result of it. Aggression towards those in society who are viewed as different, is what characterised Northern Irish society throughout the Troubles. The isolation which some may now feel, since the end of the armed conflict and since the society is no longer characterised to the same extent as it previously was by the “us and them” polarisation has led to an inability to cope. This confusion and frustration has been directed at immigrants, who are seen as the source or perhaps the personification of the rapid changes occurring in the society since the end of the Troubles.
The authorities fear that aggressive racism has become a permanent feature of post-Troubles society in the province... Monica McWilliams, professor of social policy at Ulster University, said: "People here exhibit as much racism as they do sectarianism." Alfred Abolarin, a Nigerian who is chairman of the Northern Ireland Council for Ethnic Minorities, said "This is fast becoming a multicultural society and that scares a lot of people.”[33]
Many seem to feel disorientated and frightened by their once polarised, provincial society becoming multicultural, cosmopolitan and multi-religious. Indeed, a report carried out by the University of Ulster on racial prejudice in Northern Ireland found that more than a third of those polled said they would not like to work with Asian, Afro-Caribbean or Chinese people...a quarter said they could not accept members of these ethnic groups as neighbours.[34]
These findings would be shocking and horrific regardless of the location in which the study was undertaken however the fact that a society being promoted as a post-conflict utopia harbours such incredible prejudice clearly shows that the progress which has been made since the end of the Troubles, whether superficial or not, has made Northern Irish people uncomfortable. Uncomfortable with the simple fact that the peaceful and economically successful reputation which the country has now gained will inevitably attract immigration and this will mean living and working with people from completely different backgrounds.
The generation portrayed in my imagery must deal with the legacy of conflict, continue to respect the history and culture of their community as well as the Catholic community whilst simultaneously embracing the effects of the success story that Northern Irish politics is professed to be, one of the most significant of these effects being immigration and multiculturalism. The fear, insecurity and prejudice which led Northern Ireland to civil war and which is now manifesting itself as racism and intolerance must be overcome and it will be this new generation who must find the way to do so.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Burke, Ursula and Daniel Jewesbury, Archive:Lisburn Road, the material culture of a Belfast suburb, Belfast Exposed Photography, 2004
Edwards, Ruth Dudley, The Faithful Tribe, An Intimate Portrait of the Loyal Institutions, Harper Collins, 2000
Jess, Mervyn, The Orange Order, The O’Brien Press, Dublin 2007
Lundy, Derek, Men That God Made Mad, A Journey through Truth, Myth and Terror in Northern Ireland, Vintage Books, London, 2007
WEBSITES/NEWSPAPER ARTICLES CITED
In order cited
Paul Seawright at the Gallery of Photography, Dublin
http://www.galleryofphotography.ie/contemporary_collection_print_draw/large-41.html
Lynne Connolly, Review of The Orange Order by Paul Seawright in Source Magazine
http://www.source.ie/issues/issues0120/issue01/is01revoraord.html
"Northern Ireland: Orange Order marches on, but now it's a festival", The Independent, Sunday 8 July 2007
Re-Title: International Contemporary Art- Belfast Exposed Photography: John Duncan : Bonfires
http://www.re-title.com/exhibitions/archive_BelfastExposedPhotography2580.asp
BBC Black Country, Visual Arts, Interface by Michelle Sank
http://www.bbc.co.uk/blackcountry/content/image_galleries/michelle_sank_gallery.shtml?6
"Teenagers, Belfast", by Michelle Sank
http://www.michellesank.com/belfastx.htm
"Band, Loyalist, 1997" Belfast Exposed Archive
http://www.belfastexposed.org/archive/image.php?parentid=0&catid=63&imgid=1518
BBC News- Profile: The Orange Order, Wednesday, 4 July, 2001
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/1422212.stm
Peter Geoghegan, Orangefest; Belfast's Twelfth celebrations get a radical overhaul
http://www.culturenorthernireland.org/article.aspx?art_id=2706
Judith Cummings, BBC News, Troubles shared with new generation, Saturday, 4 October 2008
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/7652073.stm
BBC News, Orange halls damaged in attacks, Sunday, 20 September 2009
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/8265295.stm
BBC News, Racism in Northern Ireland, 17 June 2009
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/8104978.stm
Richard Seymour, Terrorism in Northern Ireland and selling out the next generation, 9 March 2009
http://www.thecommentfactory.com/terrorism-in-north-ireland-and-selling-out-the-next-generation-2044
David McKittrick, The Independent, Racism 'is the new terrorism' as attacks rise in Ulster, 16 October 2004
BBC News, Racism growing in NI, Friday, 14 April, 2000
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/712816.stm
[1] Gustave de Beaumont, Lundy, Derek, Men That God Made Mad, A Journey through Truth, Myth and Terror in Northern Ireland, Vintage Books, London, 2007
[2] See image 1, appendix.
[3] A term used by Professor Paul Seawright to describe his project on the Orange Order
http://www.galleryofphotography.ie/contemporary_collection_print_draw/large-41.html
[4] Lynne Connolly, Review of The Orange Order by Paul Seawright in Source Magazine
http://www.source.ie/issues/issues0120/issue01/is01revoraord.html
[5] "Northern Ireland: Orange Order marches on, but now it's a festival", The Independent, Sunday 8 July 2007 http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/this-britain/northern-ireland-orange-order-marches-on-but-now-its-a-festival-456435.html
[6] See image 2, appendix.
[7] See image 3, appendix.
[8] Re-Title : International Contemporary Art- Belfast Exposed Photography: John Duncan : Bonfires
http://www.re-title.com/exhibitions/archive_BelfastExposedPhotography2580.asp
[9] BBC Black Country, Visual Arts, Interface by Michelle Sank
http://www.bbc.co.uk/blackcountry/content/image_galleries/michelle_sank_gallery.shtml?6
[10] See image 4, appendix.
[11] "Teenagers, Belfast", by Michelle Sank http://www.michellesank.com/belfastx.htm
See image 5, appendix.
[12] "Band, Loyalist, 1997" Belfast Exposed Archive
http://www.belfastexposed.org/archive/image.php?parentid=0&catid=63&imgid=1518
See image 6, appendix.
[13] Edwards, Ruth Dudley, The Faithful Tribe, An Intimate Portrait of the Loyal Institutions, Harper Collins, 2000
[14] Jess, Mervyn, The Orange Order, The O’Brien Press, Dublin 2007
[15] Edwards, Ruth Dudley, The Faithful Tribe, An Intimate Portrait of the Loyal Institutions, Harper Collins, 2000
[16] Ibid.
[17] Jess, Mervyn, The Orange Order, The O’Brien Press, Dublin 2007
[18] Ibid.
[19] BBC News- Profile: The Orange Order, Wednesday, 4 July, 2001
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/1422212.stm
[20] Ibid.
[21] Jess, Mervyn, The Orange Order, The O’Brien Press, Dublin 2007
[22] Lundy, Derek, Men That God Made Mad, A Journey through Truth, Myth and Terror in Northern Ireland, Vintage Books, London, 2007
[23] Burke, Ursula and Daniel Jewesbury, Archive:Lisburn Road, the material culture of a Belfast suburb, Belfast Exposed Photography, 2004
[24] Peter Geoghegan, Orangefest ;Belfast's Twelfth celebrations get a radical overhaul http://www.culturenorthernireland.org/article.aspx?art_id=2706
[25] Ibid.
[26] "Northern Ireland: Orange Order marches on, but now it's a festival", The Independent, Sunday 8 July 2007 http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/this-britain/northern-ireland-orange-order-marches-on-but-now-its-a-festival-456435.html
[27] Judith Cummings, BBC News, Troubles shared with new generation, Saturday, 4 October 2008
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/7652073.stm
[28] Jess, Mervyn, The Orange Order, The O’Brien Press, Dublin 2007
[29] Lundy, Derek, Men That God Made Mad, A Journey through Truth, Myth and Terror in Northern Ireland, Vintage Books, London, 2007
[30] BBC News, Orange halls damaged in attacks, Sunday, 20 September 2009 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/8265295.stm
[31] BBC News, Racism in Northern Ireland, 17 June 2009http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/8104978.stm
[32] Richard Seymour, Terrorism in Northern Ireland and selling out the next generation, 9 March 2009
http://www.thecommentfactory.com/terrorism-in-north-ireland-and-selling-out-the-next-generation-2044
[33] David McKittrick, The Independent, Racism 'is the new terrorism' as attacks rise in Ulster, 16 October 2004
[34] BBC News, Racism growing in NI, Friday, 14 April, 2000http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/712816.stm
0 comments:
Post a Comment